Monthly Archive for December, 2009

The Myth Of The Smart Economy

Brian Cowen and company seem quite enamored with the term ’smart economy’ these days, chalking everything from Máire Geoghegan-Quinn’s European Commission portfolio to more jobs in the bookie’s up to the government’s dedication to all sorts of high-tech wizardry. In fact, if you were to ask a member of the government how they plan to bring Ireland’s economy back up from its knees in the coming years, you’re virtually guaranteed to hear the phrase smart economy along with its fellow buzz-term ‘green economy’ firmly lodged in their first sentence. This should be heartening to hear; a focus on high-tech, export oriented industries promises much more stable, long-term growth prospects for the coming decade than the national property bubble that we relied upon for the current one. Unfortunately, while our cabinet members have certainly learnt how to say the words smart economy, I don’t think any of them seem to have realised what they actually mean.

You might expect a government with such an attachment to the notion of Ireland being a high-tech hub to have some sort of record of positioning the country as an international leader in the field over the past decade. The reality as it turns out, is quite the opposite. It’s not just that we’re not at the top of the international league tables on this, we’re actually, in a word, shit.

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Just How Proportional Is Proportional Representation?

This is the first in a series of posts I’ll be writing on electoral reform, based on a submission I sent into the Joint Oireachtas Committee on the Constitution recently. You can find the full series by clicking here.

When Proportional Representation by Single Transferrable Vote (PR-STV) was first established as Ireland’s electoral system in 1921, it was presented as an alternative to the first-past-the-post  (FPTP) system employed in the UK. The main reason that the new system was adopted was that, as its name suggests, it is more proportional than FPTP, in that the number of seats each party wins should be roughly proportional to the share of the vote they receive. While PR-STV has certainly improved from FPTP in that regard (not a difficult feat, as FPTP is particularly disproportional), it is worth noting that Ireland was the first country to implement PR-STV in national elections, and hence there was little evidence at the time it was chosen with which to analyze its proportionality. With almost a century of elections now held under the system, however, there’s now a considerable amount of data with which to examine whether PR-STV fulfils its purpose of proportionality.

The above graph shows the correlation between the proportion of national first-preference votes (FPV) a party receives and the number of seats it wins as a result. It is based on the results of every party in every general election held since 1981 (the first 166-member Dáil), and each point on the graph represents a party’s result in one of those elections. The dashed red line represents a perfectly proportional allocation of seats according to national vote.

What’s immediately visible about our current PR-STV system from the graph is how it benefits the larger parties compared to a perfectly proportional system. In only one outlying case did either of the state’s two large parties win less seats than would have been allocated proportionally (FG, 2002), and in every other election they received a bonus from the PR-STV system. For Fianna Fail in the 1997 and 2002 elections, this bonus gave them an extra 12 and 13 TDs, respectively, over their representation in a purely proportional system.

The PR-STV system, as currently implemented, likewise disadvantages smaller parties.  The second graph is enlarged to only show the results of parties that received less than 8% of the national FPV. It can be seen that in the considerable majority of cases, parties in this bracket win less seats than a proportional system would allocate them. Furthermore, there are often large variations in the number of seats won on a similar proportion of the vote. For example, between the 1992 and 1997 elections, the Progressive Democrats went from 10 to 4 seats, despite receiving exactly the same proportion of the national vote on both occasions (4.7%). In a perfectly proportional system, they would have won 8 seats in each election.

The Ethics and Economics of Inheritance Tax

In the run up to the budget, with Ireland digging itself into more than €400,000,000 of extra debt every week, it’s unsurprising that there’s a lot of disagreement on how to bridge the gap between tax revenue and government spending. Some favour huge tax hikes, some want massive spending cuts, some are looking for both, and there are even a few who don’t want to have to deal with either, and hope that the whole thing will just sort itself out somehow. While I would more usually align myself on the side of spending cuts, there are a few avenues open for the government to increase tax revenue without pushing the economy further into recession, and I believe these should be fully exploited. In particular, there’s one form of tax of which there has been barely a whisper of discussion on of late, and that’s inheritance tax.

In Ireland, tax on inheritances comes in the form of the Capital Acquisitions Tax (CAT). This tax, which also covers gifts, was increased from a nominal rate of 20% to 22% in the April budget, but due to a range of exemptions and reductions that cover pretty much anything anyone would ever be likely to inherit, the actual effective rate will top out at 2% even on the largest inheritances, and in the vast majority of cases will be zero.

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Carbon Bonds Could Reduce Government Borrowing Costs Too

After my post a few weeks ago proposing a form of emissions-linked government bond which I called a ‘carbon bond’, I’ve realised an unintended benefit that the carbon bonds would bring to any government that issues them: they would reduce long-term borrowing costs. This actually surprised me when I realised it, as it certainly wasn’t one of the intended consequences of issuing the bonds, but after considering the matter, it’s actually quite clear that borrowing costs would be lower for governments offering carbon bonds, subject to a couple of conditions.

I’m not going to go over a formal mathematical proof here (I like to think my blog hasn’t become quite that nerdy yet), but here’s the reasoning behind my claim:

Assume creditors are buying ten-year government bonds at an interest rate n. Now, if they also have the option of buying a ten-year carbon bond from the government, that carbon bond is going to have a base interest rate m, which would be increased by r if the government goes over its promised allocation of emissions permits by some given amount. We’ll assume that the market of creditors will place a probability p on the government actually having to pay out the higher m + r interest rate. The only reason that p would be zero would be if the markets had absolute and complete confidence that a government would never renege on its promises. We know that’s not true, so we can say that p is nonzero.

The expected interest payment for the carbon bond will be the base rate m plus the increment r times the probability p that the increment will have to actually be paid. That is, expected interest will be m + (p * r). Given the choice between either the regular government bond or the carbon bond, if one has an expected interest rate which is higher than the other, then creditors will simply all buy the one with the higher rate. This means that, in an efficient market, the expected rate for both should be equal, ie n = m + (p * r). Now, we know that both p and r are nonzero (if r was zero, then it would just be a regular bond), and are both positive. This means that m must be less than n for the market for both bonds to operate. That is, the base interest rate on the ten-year carbon bond has to be lower than the interest rate on standard government bonds. Which means that, so long as the government doesn’t actually deviate from its proposed emissions limits, issuing carbon bonds is going to be a definitively cheaper way to raise cash.

Of course, this is a simplified explanation; there would actually be a range of possible rs depending on how far over the emissions schedule the government went, and then a range of possible ps for the expected probabilities of each of those rs being paid out. However, the principle remains the same; markets are going to be willing to accept a lower base interest rate on carbon bonds so long as there is some non-zero probability that a higher interest rate will have to be paid out instead.

Interestingly, what a government would actually be doing with this scheme is betting on its own trustworthiness. The government is assuming with certainty that it will stick to its promises, whereas the markets don’t have the same faith. By issuing carbon bonds, a government can actually leverage this lack of trust in the form of lower interest rates. Of course, to benefit from these lower base rates, the government would actually have to stick to its promises, and can it really be that confident of itself?

Edit (30/03/2010): This post was originally written using the term ‘green bonds’. I’ve since changed all references to ‘carbon bonds’ instead. This is to bring the terminology closer to that used by Michael Mainelli and Jan-Peter Onstwedder in a proposal made last year, where they used the term ‘index-linked carbon bonds’ to describe effectively the same thing. The change should also remove any confusion with other uses of the term ‘green bonds’.